PROSPENOMICS

Prospenomics is the study of prosperity and its generators, aiming to chart pathways toward a post-scarcity society, a concept anticipated by Murray Bookchin in 1971, in which technological advances and social reorganization overcome material deprivation; it proposes that once scarcity is eliminated, the market economy and its entire dynamics lose meaning, requiring us to be prepared for that day through an approach that transcends conventional paradigms of economics based on markets, prices, and accumulation, which sustain relative abundance at the cost of arduous, inefficient, and poorly distributed labor, while generating waste and environmental chaos; in contrast, it advocates the intelligent optimization of social and ecological systems to achieve shared prosperity, harmony, and sustainability, drawing both from historical examples of decisions that fostered prosperity and from the visions of thinkers such as Gene Roddenberry, who in Star Trek imagined a future where people work to develop talents and personal ambitions rather than exchange goods through money, and Buckminster Fuller, who understood prosperity not as mere material wealth or economic growth but as the assurance of well-being and sustainability for all forms of life on the planet. BASIC ARGUMENT OF PROSPENOMICS/PROSENOMY by Luiz Pagano, Setembro de 2007

domingo, 8 de novembro de 2026

We Are Addicted to Populist Pantomimes And That Needs to Change



The Seduction of Scoundrels

The Grandiose Funeral of Guarapari

In 1906, the mayor of Guarapari at the time, João Batista de Almeida, popularly known as Juca Brandão, ordered the construction of São João Batista Cemetery. The construction was completed, but an unforeseen problem emerged, one that no public administrator had anticipated: nobody was dying. For approximately ten years, the cemetery remained empty, becoming the subject of gossip, ridicule, and even suspicions concerning the public money spent on its construction.

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The mayor needed a funeral to justify the existence of the cemetery. The opportunity finally came in 1916, when a homeless woman died in Benevente, now known as Anchieta. With no relatives coming forward to claim her remains, her body was made available so that Guarapari could hold its first burial and finally inaugurate the cemetery.

The ceremony was attended by local authorities and became part of capixaba folklore ("Capixaba is the term used for people and things from the Brazilian state of Espírito Santo"). The event became particularly memorable because of a councilman's grandiloquent speech, in which he praised Guarapari as such a healthy place that practically nobody ever died there.

The story was so extraordinary that it survived across generations and would eventually inspire playwright Dias Gomes to create the fictional universe of O Bem-Amado ("The Beloved Man"), one of Brazil's most celebrated political satires, later adapted into a hugely popular television series.

The story sounds like something invented by a playwright, but it actually happened. Decades later, Dias Gomes would transform this episode into fiction and immortalize Odorico Paraguaçu, the mayor who desperately needed a corpse to justify his cemetery project.

Yet Dias Gomes's genius lay in more than his ability to turn unusual historical episodes into fiction. He understood profound aspects of the Brazilian soul.

Odorico was vain, demagogic, theatrical, manipulative, and frequently ridiculous. And yet he became one of the most beloved characters in Brazilian television drama. This contradiction is revealing.

Nobody admired Odorico for his administrative competence. Nobody watched the series to evaluate his ability to manage public resources or improve the lives of his constituents. The fascination came precisely from his flaws. His exaggerated rhetoric, his ability to construct narratives to justify failures, and his almost artistic talent for turning problems into spectacles made him unforgettable.

Looking retrospectively at Brazilian television history, from the 1960s through the mid-2010s, it becomes difficult to ignore a recurring pattern. We have produced an extraordinary gallery of characters whose defining quality was not virtue, but magnetism.

Brazilian popular culture has consistently been populated by figures who, to varying degrees, resemble the archetype of Macunaíma ("The legendary antihero of Brazilian modernist literature, created by Mário de Andrade in 1928, who embodies a morally ambiguous, resourceful, opportunistic, and often contradictory Brazilian character").

These are morally ambiguous characters: opportunists, manipulators, and frequently unscrupulous individuals who nevertheless manage to win the public's admiration.

Many were not heroes. Nor were they conventional antiheroes.

They were simply fascinating scoundrels.

Among them, several stand out:

1. Sinhozinho Malta, brilliantly portrayed by Lima Duarte in Roque Santeiro ("A landmark Brazilian television series, widely regarded as one of the country's greatest soap operas, featuring a satirical portrayal of power, religion, and local politics").

He did not need to justify his power. He displayed it. His authority came from wealth, influence, and the absolute conviction that he had been born to command.

Arrogant, possessive, and frequently authoritarian, Sinhozinho fascinated audiences because he seemed to embody the man who never had to ask anyone's permission.

His famous catchphrase, "Tô certo ou tô errado?" ("Am I right or am I wrong?"), was not really a question. It was a demonstration of strength.

The audience knew his flaws, but could not ignore his charisma.

2. Florindo Abelha, known as Seu Flô, played by Ary Fontoura in the same series.

Unlike Sinhozinho, Seu Flô had the office but not the power. He was the perfect portrait of a public official whose formal authority had become hostage to the forces operating behind the scenes.

His political weakness provided comic relief, but also served as a social commentary on the difference between holding public office and actually governing.

3. In Gabriela, Paulo Gracindo brought Colonel Ramiro Bastos to life, creating one of the most sophisticated portrayals of oligarchic power ever shown on Brazilian television.

Ramiro barely needed to impose his authority. His influence was so old and so deeply established that it seemed almost like a law of nature.

His character embodied traditional Brazilian mandonismo ("A historical system of local political domination in which wealthy landowners and influential families exercise personal authority over communities, often independently of democratic institutions").

His power rested not on democratic legitimacy, but on the collective conviction that certain people were simply born to rule.

4. Ary Fontoura would later return in A Indomada to play Pitágoras William Mackenzie, perhaps one of the most brilliant caricatures of a politician in love with his own power.

Vain, histrionic, and obsessed with his public image, Pitágoras systematically confused the public interest with his personal wishes.

In his world, the government no longer serves the state. The state exists to serve the government official.

5. In Vale Tudo, Reginaldo Faria created one of Brazil's most enduring symbols of impunity: Marco Aurélio.

His famous helicopter escape remains etched in the collective memory, not merely because it represented an injustice, but because it represented a fantasy.

Marco Aurélio embodied the individual clever enough to escape the consequences of his own actions. Dishonest, opportunistic, and contemptuous of institutions, he nevertheless commanded everyone's attention whenever he appeared on screen.

6. A similar phenomenon can be seen in Romildo Rosa, played by Milton Gonçalves in A Favorita, and Reginaldo Ferreira da Silva, played by Eduardo Moscovis in Senhora do Destino.

Both represent the politician for whom constructing a public image matters more than actually governing.

They are characters who perfectly understand the mechanics of political spectacle and know how to exploit them for personal advantage.

7. Not even antagonists outside the political arena escape this pattern.

Carminha, masterfully brought to life by Adriana Esteves in Avenida Brasil ("One of Brazil's most internationally successful television dramas"), transformed manipulation, lies, and opportunism into one of the most popular characters in the history of Brazilian television.

Likewise, Félix Khoury, played by Mateus Solano in Amor à Vida, turned sarcasm, cynicism, and cruelty into such a brilliantly executed performance that he eventually became one of the most beloved characters of his generation.

8. The Father.

Perhaps, however, no character reveals more about our relationship with power than O Pai ("The Father"), played by José de Abreu.

There is something deeply unsettling about the strength of this character.

Unlike Odorico, whose theatricality makes us laugh, or Sinhozinho Malta, whose influence belongs to an almost folkloric universe, O Pai inhabits a territory much closer to everyday reality.

He does not seem like a caricature. He seems like someone we might actually encounter.

Perhaps a political leader. Perhaps a businessman. Perhaps a party official. Perhaps a religious leader. Perhaps a family patriarch.

His strength comes precisely from this realism.

O Pai does not need public office or elaborate ceremonies to exercise authority. His power derives from a profound understanding of human nature.

He understands ambition, resentment, insecurity, desire, and emotional vulnerability. He knows exactly when to offer protection. He knows exactly when to demand loyalty.

He knows how to turn favors into dependency, dependency into gratitude, and gratitude into submission.

His authority is not based on explicit coercion, but on the far more sophisticated ability to shape people's behavior without their realizing that they are being led.

José de Abreu's extraordinary talent amplifies this phenomenon even further.

The actor does not portray an ordinary villain. He portrays an intelligent man. An articulate man. A man capable of inspiring trust. A man whom many people would willingly follow.

And that is precisely where the danger lies.

The most dangerous individuals in history have rarely presented themselves as monsters. More often, they have appeared as confident, visionary, and charismatic leaders.

O Pai forces us to confront an uncomfortable truth.

We often admire people not despite their power, but because of it.

We are attracted to strategic competence, leadership ability, intelligence, and the capacity to dominate a situation.

The problem is that none of these qualities comes with an automatic commitment to ethics.

Human history is full of brilliant individuals who used their talents for destructive purposes.

If, over the decades, we have continued producing characters such as Odorico Paraguaçu, Sinhozinho Malta, Ramiro Bastos, Pitágoras Mackenzie, Marco Aurélio, Romildo Rosa, Reginaldo Ferreira da Silva, Carminha, Félix Khoury, and O Pai, it is because there was an audience for them.

There was demand. There was fascination. There was identification.

These characters survived in the national imagination because they touched something deep within the human condition.

They represent our attraction to the audacious, the transgressive, the skillful manipulator, and the leader who defies the rules and seems capable of bending reality to his own will.

Perhaps the relevant question is not why these characters were created.

Perhaps the question is why we continue to like them so much.

And perhaps the most important question is something else entirely.

If we have spent decades admiring figures who turn power into spectacle, how can we be certain that we do not apply those same criteria when choosing the people who govern us?

Science Fiction Understood the Problem

Fiction has the power to let us observe human nature from a distance, often anticipating questions that academia itself would take decades to formulate. A brilliant example is Space Seed, one of the most celebrated episodes of Star Trek. In it, the crew of the Enterprise encounters Khan Noonien Singh, one of the products of the so-called Eugenics Wars. Khan is neither a grotesque tyrant nor an irrational fanatic. He is intelligent, cultured, disciplined, courageous, and endowed with extraordinary leadership abilities. He inspires confidence, commands respect, and sincerely believes that exceptional people are born to rule over others. The episode is brilliant precisely because it does not portray a dangerous leader as someone mediocre, but as someone exceptional. His qualities are real; the problem lies in what he believes he has the right to do with them.

Kirk respects his intelligence, Spock recognizes his abilities, and no one denies his greatness. Even so, the Enterprise understands that admiring someone does not mean entrusting them with power. Khan is neither humiliated nor executed, but his ambition proves incompatible with the safety of the community. This is a fundamental distinction: intelligence is not wisdom, eloquence is not responsibility, courage is not prudence, and charisma is not virtue. A mature society must learn to distinguish admiration from the ability to govern — something we often forget when we allow ourselves to be fascinated by figures such as Odorico Paraguaçu, Sinhozinho Malta, Marco Aurélio, or O Pai — characters from Brazilian television whose authority, theatricality, and larger-than-life personalities make them captivating. They all command the stage, capture attention, and stir emotions. But fascination and the ability to govern have never been the same thing.

After all, is admiration a sufficient criterion for entrusting someone with power? If the answer is no, we need to reconsider the qualities that guide our collective choices. And this is precisely where a figure very different from Khan, Odorico, or O Pai comes into view: someone unlikely to dominate social media, deliver fiery speeches, or become an audience sensation, but who may represent a model of leadership far more compatible with a truly prosperous future.

It Is Time to Talk About Clarêncio

Clarêncio and the Problem of Good Leadership

Before we go any further, an important clarification is in order. Many readers regard Clarêncio, from the works of André Luiz, particularly Nosso Lar, as a fictional character. Followers of Spiritism, on the other hand, tend to consider him a real individual whose personality was described through the mediumship of Chico Xavier. This essay does not seek to debate that question. Spiritism has historically presented itself as a doctrine that seeks to reconcile faith and reason, and Spiritists themselves often use the expression “reasoned faith” to describe their approach. Regardless of the reader’s position, our concern here is a different one: Clarêncio represents an archetype of leadership whose relevance extends beyond the debate over his objective existence.

What is most intriguing about Clarêncio is that he seems incompatible with the logic of spectacle that dominates much of contemporary public life. He does not humiliate his opponents. He does not deliver catchy sound bites. He does not turn disagreements into moral wars. He does not need permanent enemies to justify his authority. Nor does he show any desire to monopolize attention. His influence emerges from qualities that are far less dramatic and, for that very reason, far less appealing to a culture accustomed to entertainment. Clarêncio listens before he speaks. He guides before he commands. He teaches before he punishes. He seeks to develop people rather than make them dependent on him. When André Luiz arrives at Nosso Lar emotionally distressed, Clarêncio takes the time to listen to him. When he recognizes someone's potential, he does not draw that person into his own sphere of power; instead, he seeks to create the conditions for that person to grow independently. His authority derives from the trust he inspires, not from the fear he creates.

This is precisely why Clarêncio inspires less immediate fascination than characters such as Odorico Paraguaçu, Sinhozinho Malta, Khan Noonien Singh, or O Pai. Human beings tend to notice authority that asserts itself more readily than authority that serves. Theatrical power attracts attention. Quiet power requires observation. Manipulation is dramatic. Responsibility is discreet. Conflict makes headlines. Competence creates routines. As a result, we have learned to admire those who command the stage while often overlooking those who actually build the conditions that allow a community to function.

This observation leads us to a question far broader than a simple comparison between fictional characters.

Why Does This Matter for the Advent of Post-Scarcity?

Because the greatest challenge of Post-Scarcity will probably not be technological. It will be civilizational.

Much of today's debate about the future focuses on artificial intelligence, automation, biotechnology, clean energy, robotics, and production systems capable of exponentially increasing the supply of goods and services. All of this matters. Yet such discussions often rest on an implicit assumption: that material abundance will automatically solve humanity's most important problems. It is an appealing hypothesis, but one that is difficult to sustain.

History shows that prosperity and good governance are not synonymous. A society can be wealthy and profoundly disorganized. It can possess abundant resources and still waste them. It can have advanced technology and remain trapped in artificial conflicts. It can achieve extraordinary levels of productivity and still be unable to foster social cohesion, institutional trust, and political stability. The disappearance of material scarcity does not automatically eliminate the problems associated with human nature.

The central question, therefore, is not simply how to produce abundance. It is how to manage it. Who will coordinate increasingly complex systems? Who will make decisions about shared resources? Who will mediate conflicts in a context where basic survival is no longer the community's primary concern? Who will set priorities? Who will ensure the maintenance of the structures that make abundance itself possible?

These are cultural and moral questions before they are technological ones.

When we look at imaginary societies with high levels of development, we realize that what makes them appealing is not merely their wealth. It is the quality of their institutions, the maturity of their inhabitants, and their ability to cooperate. In this sense, regardless of each reader's beliefs, the society portrayed in Nosso Lar offers elements worthy of reflection. What stands out is not the absence of problems, but the presence of a culture committed to continuously improving its collective environment. Cleanliness, organization, harmonious urban planning, respect for shared spaces, and a commitment to education, work, and moral development appear as shared values. There is no perfection. There is effort. It is no paradise. It is a collective discipline directed toward building a better place to live.

This point is particularly important because Post-Scarcity requires more than new machines. It requires new ways of thinking. It requires citizens who value competence over performance, responsibility over theatrics, solutions over conflict, and cooperation over spectacle. A civilization surrounded by abundance will remain vulnerable if it continues to be fascinated by leaders who thrive on permanent polarization. No amount of technology can indefinitely compensate for a culture that rewards political showmanship at the expense of good governance.

Perhaps this is precisely where Clarêncio becomes relevant. Not because he represents perfection, but because he symbolizes a form of leadership devoted to building collective capabilities. His authority does not seek to create dependence. It seeks to foster autonomy. He does not turn followers into admirers. He seeks to turn them into collaborators. He does not concentrate his energy on his own image. He directs it toward the maintenance and improvement of the community.

And perhaps this is the fundamental difference between a technologically advanced society and one that is truly prepared for Post-Scarcity. The first merely produces abundance. The second learns how to govern it.

Because, ultimately, abundance does not eliminate the need for leadership. It simply makes the choice of which kind of leadership we choose to reward all the more important.

Bibliographical References

Foundational Works for the Thesis

BOOKCHIN, Murray. Post-Scarcity Anarchism. Oakland: AK Press, 2004.

BOOKCHIN, Murray. The Ecology of Freedom: The Emergence and Dissolution of Hierarchy. Palo Alto: Cheshire Books, 1982.

MCKEE, Robert. Story: Substance, Structure, Style and the Principles of Screenwriting. New York: HarperCollins, 1997.

PAGANO, Luiz. Prospenomia: O Caminho para a Pós-Escassez ("Prospenomics: The Path to Post-Scarcity"). Available at: https://prospenomics.blogspot.com. Accessed November 8, 2026.

Politics, Power, Leadership, and Society

ARENDT, Hannah. The Human Condition.

ARENDT, Hannah. Between Past and Future.

DEBORD, Guy. The Society of the Spectacle.

LASCH, Christopher. The Culture of Narcissism.

ORTEGA Y GASSET, José. The Revolt of the Masses.

POPPER, Karl. The Open Society and Its Enemies.

TOCQUEVILLE, Alexis de. Democracy in America.

WEBER, Max. Economy and Society.

WEBER, Max. Politics as a Vocation.

Spiritism and Leadership Archetypes

KARDEC, Allan. The Spirits' Book. Brasília: FEB.

KARDEC, Allan. Genesis. Brasília: FEB.

XAVIER, Francisco Cândido. Nosso Lar ("Our Home"). Dictated by the spirit André Luiz. Rio de Janeiro: FEB.

XAVIER, Francisco Cândido. Os Mensageiros ("The Messengers"). Dictated by the spirit André Luiz. Rio de Janeiro: FEB.

Fiction, Narrative, and Popular Culture

ANDRADE, Mário de. Macunaíma: The Hero with No Character. São Paulo: Livraria Martins Editora, 1928.

MILTON, John. Paradise Lost. London, 1667.

Audiovisual Works Analyzed

O Bem-Amado ("The Beloved Man"). Created by Dias Gomes. Rede Globo, 1973.

Roque Santeiro. Created by Dias Gomes and Aguinaldo Silva. Rede Globo, 1985.

Gabriela. Adaptation of the novel by Jorge Amado. Rede Globo, 1975.

A Indomada. Created by Aguinaldo Silva and Ricardo Linhares. Rede Globo, 1997.

Vale Tudo. Created by Gilberto Braga, Aguinaldo Silva, and Leonor Bassères. Rede Globo, 1988.

Senhora do Destino. Created by Aguinaldo Silva. Rede Globo, 2004.

A Favorita. Created by João Emanuel Carneiro. Rede Globo, 2008.

Avenida Brasil. Created by João Emanuel Carneiro. Rede Globo, 2012.

Amor à Vida. Created by Walcyr Carrasco. Rede Globo, 2013.

Star Trek: The Original Series. Episode "Space Seed." NBC Television, 1967.

Methodological Note

This essay incorporates concepts originally developed by the author, particularly:

  • Prospenomics (or Prospenomia);

  • Populist Pantomime;

  • The distinction between "audience-driven leadership" and "governance-driven leadership";

  • The fictional concepts of NEMKÁ and NEMLÁ, featured in the work Heróis da Bruzundanga ("Heroes of Bruzundanga").

Its theoretical foundations, however, engage primarily with Murray Bookchin's concept of Post-Scarcity, Robert McKee's narrative theory, Guy Debord's analysis of the society of the spectacle, Hannah Arendt's reflections on power and political action, and the leadership models found in the Spiritist literature of André Luiz.

Indeed, if I had to summarize the intellectual argument of this essay in a single academic sentence, it would be:

"This work applies Robert McKee's narrative theory to explain the human attraction to performative leaders, draws on Murray Bookchin to frame the civilizational challenges of Post-Scarcity, and proposes, through Prospenomics, that the cultural maturity required to manage abundance demands that we overcome our traditional fascination with populist pantomimes."

Editorial note: I have retained the Brazilian titles of the television productions and literary works wherever possible, while providing English explanations at their first mention. This allows international readers to understand the cultural references without losing the original identity of the works.

The English editions and translated titles of the Spiritist works vary by publisher. For an academic version, it is preferable to retain the original Portuguese titles alongside the specific edition consulted.

terça-feira, 13 de outubro de 2026

Parties debate how to manage scarcity. Prospenomics asks what happens when scarcity is no longer the central variable.

 

For more than two centuries, virtually all economic theory and modern political debate have been built upon the same premise: resources are scarce. The left and the right disagree on countless issues, but they share this common starting point. The left has traditionally focused on how scarce resources should be distributed. The right has traditionally focused on how those resources can be produced and allocated more efficiently. Debates change, governments change, parties change, but the central question remains the same: how do we manage scarcity?

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This view was brilliantly formalized by Lionel Robbins in 1932. In An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science, Robbins defined economics as the science that studies human behavior as a relationship between ends and scarce means that have alternative uses. This definition helped organize much of twentieth-century economic thought. If resources are limited and human wants are unlimited, then the role of economics is to determine how to use what does not exist in sufficient quantity to satisfy everyone simultaneously.

Yet there is a paradox hidden inside that definition. If economics exists because of scarcity, what happens when technology begins to reduce scarcity? What happens when certain goods can be produced in ever larger quantities at ever lower costs? What happens when scarcity is no longer the dominant constraint?

In 1932, that question seemed almost philosophical. Today, it is becoming practical.

The internet was the first large-scale demonstration of this phenomenon. For thousands of years, information was expensive to reproduce. Books had to be printed, transported, and stored. Music required physical records. Movies required film stock and distribution networks. Today, a digital file can be copied billions of times at almost no cost. The first copy still requires time, effort, and investment. The second copy costs almost nothing. The millionth copy costs essentially the same. For the first time in human history, a significant part of the economy began to escape the classical logic of scarcity.

Decades before the internet transformed the world, one thinker realized that something similar could happen to society itself. In 1971, Murray Bookchin published Post-Scarcity Anarchism. It is easy to become distracted by the word "anarchism" in the title, but doing so often obscures the book's most important insight. Bookchin argued that humanity was approaching a historical threshold at which material abundance was no longer technically impossible. For the first time, technological progress made it conceivable that basic human needs could be met without requiring extreme levels of human labor.

Bookchin was the heir to a long anarchist tradition. Before him, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon challenged systems of property that concentrated wealth and power. Mikhail Bakunin criticized political hierarchies and defended decentralized forms of social organization. Peter Kropotkin argued that cooperation and mutual aid were fundamental forces in human development. Bookchin inherited much of this intellectual tradition but added a decisive element: technology.

His central question was not merely how power should be distributed. His question was what happens to power itself when scarcity ceases to dominate social life. If a society can produce material abundance with far less effort than in the past, does it still make sense to preserve institutions designed for a world defined by permanent shortage?

That question is highly relevant to Prospenomics. Yet Prospenomics is not simply an updated version of Bookchin's anarchism.

Nor is it libertarianism. Nor is it minarchism.

Modern libertarianism was deeply shaped by thinkers such as Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, and Murray Rothbard. Minarchism found one of its most influential formulations in Robert Nozick. All of them shared a legitimate concern about concentrations of power and generally advocated solutions based on free markets, decentralization, and individual autonomy.

In many respects, these traditions move close to Prospenomics. Technological innovation, decentralization of decision-making, institutional experimentation, and entrepreneurial freedom often contribute to the creation of abundance. Yet there remains a fundamental distinction.

The anarchist tends to view society through the tension between authority and freedom.

The libertarian tends to view society through the tension between the state and the individual.

The socialist tends to view society through the tension between capital and labor.

The conservative tends to focus on the balance between order and change.

All of these traditions continue to operate within political frameworks built to answer the same fundamental question: who should manage scarcity?

Prospenomics begins somewhere else.

It does not start by asking who should control resources. It asks how resources can become more abundant.

It does not start by asking how to divide the pie. It asks how to multiply the pie.

It does not start by asking which ideology should govern society. It asks which mechanisms increase the availability of energy, food, information, healthcare, infrastructure, knowledge, and free time.

For this reason, Prospenomics is not an attempt to stand "above" the left and the right. Nor is it an attempt to reconcile every political ideology. What it proposes is a shift in analytical focus. The debate between left and right continues to exist, but it no longer occupies the center of analysis. The primary variable is no longer who manages scarcity. The primary variable becomes how we expand abundance.

This shift becomes clearer when we examine the concept of marginal cost, popularized by Jeremy Rifkin in The Zero Marginal Cost Society.

Imagine a small bakery.

Before opening its doors in the morning, the owner has already paid a series of fixed costs: rent, equipment, maintenance, employee wages, cleaning, and the energy required to heat the oven. Suppose these fixed costs amount to $400 per day.

Now imagine that the bakery produces 100 loaves of bread.

To produce those 100 loaves, it must consume flour, water, yeast, and fuel. Suppose those inputs total $180. At that point, the bakery's total daily cost is $580.

But what happens if the bakery decides to produce one additional loaf?

The rent does not increase.

The oven is already hot.

The baker is already working.

The infrastructure already exists.

To produce loaf number 101, the bakery only needs a small additional amount of flour, water, yeast, and energy. Suppose that costs $1.50 in ingredients and $0.30 in energy, for a total of $1.80.

That is the marginal cost of loaf number 101.

Now suppose the bakery sells each loaf for $7.

In that case, producing the additional loaf makes economic sense. It costs $1.80 to produce but generates $7 in revenue. The difference, $5.20, contributes toward covering fixed costs and eventually becomes profit. That is precisely why businesses seek greater production volume: once the structure is in place, each additional unit tends to become economically advantageous.

Now compare that loaf of bread to a PDF containing the bread recipe.

The first PDF may have cost $5,000 in research, testing, writing, photography, and design. But copy number 101 requires no additional flour, no additional fuel, and no additional yeast. Someone simply presses a button and duplicates the file. Its marginal cost is effectively zero.

This is the dynamic Rifkin identified as one of the major transformative forces of the twenty-first century.

But there is a common mistake.

Many people confuse digital abundance with post-scarcity.

Free access to ten thousand bread recipes does not eliminate the need to bake bread.

Free access to video does not eliminate the need for energy.

Free access to medical knowledge does not eliminate the need for hospitals.

Digital abundance is real. But it does not automatically solve physical scarcity.

The real question of our century is different: to what extent can the physical world begin to behave more like the digital one?

Imagine a future bakery. Its oven is powered by solar energy harvested and stored at extremely low cost. Intelligent systems control production. Much of the repetitive labor is automated. Ingredients are produced locally through highly efficient agricultural systems. Recycling and circular production systems minimize waste.

Bread will never have a literally zero marginal cost. The physical world is not the digital world. There will always be maintenance, material constraints, and wear on equipment.

But suppose the marginal cost of loaf number 101 falls from $1.80 to $0.20.

Or even $0.05.

At that point, the economic problem begins to change in nature.

We are no longer discussing only how to distribute insufficient resources. We are discussing how to organize a society in which basic needs can be met with ever smaller amounts of labor, energy, and cost.

This is where Prospenomics begins.

Robbins taught us how to understand the economics of scarcity.

Proudhon, Bakunin, and Kropotkin imagined forms of organization beyond traditional structures of power.

Bookchin recognized that abundance could become technically possible.

Mises, Hayek, Rothbard, and Nozick demonstrated how decentralization and freedom can expand productive capacity.

Rifkin explained the economic mechanisms that push certain marginal costs toward zero.

Prospenomics does not replace any of these traditions. It learns from all of them.

But it asks a different question.

Socialism asks who should own the oven.

Libertarianism asks who should be free to operate the oven.

Anarchism asks why the oven should be subject to a central authority at all.

Prospenomics asks: How do we make the bread produced by the oven so abundant that scarcity ceases to be the center of the discussion?

Because once scarcity is no longer the dominant variable, the most important economic question is no longer who gets the last slice of bread.

The question becomes how to ensure there is enough bread for everyone.


Referencies

BOOKCHIN, Murray. Post-Scarcity Anarchism. Oakland: AK Press, 2004. (Obra originalmente publicada em 1971).

HAYEK, Friedrich A. The Road to Serfdom. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1944.

KROPOTKIN, Piotr. Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution. New York: McClure, Phillips & Co., 1902.

MISES, Ludwig von. Human Action: A Treatise on Economics. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1949.

NOZICK, Robert. Anarchy, State, and Utopia. New York: Basic Books, 1974.

PROUDHON, Pierre-Joseph. What Is Property? An Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. (Obra originalmente publicada em 1840).

RIFKIN, Jeremy. The Zero Marginal Cost Society: The Internet of Things, the Collaborative Commons, and the Eclipse of Capitalism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

ROBBINS, Lionel. An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science. London: Macmillan, 1932.

ROTHBARD, Murray N. For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto. New York: Macmillan, 1973.


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Complementary Reading

SMIL, Vaclav. Energy and Civilization: A History. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2017.

KURZWEIL, Ray. The Singularity Is Near. New York: Viking, 2005.

DIAMANDIS, Peter H.; KOTLER, Steven. Abundance: The Future Is Better Than You Think. New York: Free Press, 2012.

OSTROM, Elinor. Governing the Commons. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Essas obras ajudam a conectar energia, tecnologia, abundância, governança descentralizada e mudanças civilizacionais, temas que aparecem naturalmente dentro da estrutura conceitual da Prospenomics.

terça-feira, 6 de outubro de 2026

The End of Political Parties

 

We say that someone is left-wing or right-wing almost as if we were describing a permanent characteristic of that person, something similar to their profession, nationality, or temperament. However, as society advances, this division makes less and less sense.

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If you have been following our ideas, you know that, within a Prospenomics dynamic of post-scarcity, the political left-right axis ceases to be the main decision-making reference.

Let us start from the beginning...

Political positions have a very specific and relatively recent historical origin. They were born in Paris during the French Revolution, at a time when France was undergoing such a profound transformation that the political, social, and economic structures of the Ancien Régime itself were being dismantled.

The distinction did not emerge from an abstract political theory according to which humanity was naturally divided into two great groups. It emerged from the physical arrangement of deputies inside a room.

To understand what was happening, we need to go back to Paris in 1789. France was still a monarchy ruled by Louis XVI, and society was organized according to structures inherited from the Ancien Régime. The Crown's financial crisis was profound, aggravated by decades of warfare and by the cost of French support for American independence. The state struggled to raise revenue, taxation was unequal, the legal privileges of the different estates generated resentment, and the population suffered from rising food prices, especially the price of bread.

At the same time, the ideas of the Enlightenment had created a new political language. Montesquieu, Voltaire, Rousseau, and other thinkers had brought concepts such as liberty, sovereignty, representation, citizenship, and the rational organization of the state into circulation.

French society was therefore facing an explosive combination: fiscal crisis, institutional inequality, economic hardship, new political ideas, and a monarchy that was unable to reform itself easily. When Louis XVI summoned the Estates-General in 1789, he was not simply calling another administrative meeting. He was opening the door to a transformation that would quickly escape the control of the monarchy itself.

Paris was then a populous, noisy, politically charged city in which cafés, bookstores, printing houses, salons, clubs, and public spaces functioned as genuine means of political communication.

The circulation of ideas did not happen as it does today, through television, social media, or major digital outlets. Political information was transmitted through newspapers, pamphlets, speeches, letters, meetings, and, above all, conversation. The café was a kind of physical social network. Journalists, deputies, lawyers, merchants, intellectuals, aristocrats, and political agitators could be found discussing the day's events, reading newspapers, and exchanging opinions.

One of the most famous places in this universe was the Café Procope, on the Rive Gauche, near the intellectual heart of Saint-Germain-des-Prés. Founded as early as the seventeenth century, the establishment had already been frequented by figures of the Enlightenment and, during the Revolution, became associated with the revolutionary milieu. The Café Procope hosted figures such as Danton, Marat, Camille Desmoulins, and Robespierre, and was connected to the social world of the Cordeliers and other revolutionaries.

Contrary to what many people believe, the left, the right, and the Marais cannot be reduced to a simple geographical formula applied to a map of Paris. The revolutionary left was not simply located on the Rive Gauche, nor was the right simply located on the Rive Droite. What existed was a much more complex network of meeting places.

The Jacobin Left

The Jacobins, for example, were established in the former Jacobin convent on Rue Saint-Honoré. The Cordeliers Club, associated with Danton, Marat, and Desmoulins, was based in the former Cordeliers convent on the Rive Gauche, while the Café Procope was close to this milieu. The Girondins, likewise, did not simply constitute a "Rive Gauche club" geographically opposed to the Jacobins; they were a parliamentary and political current whose influence developed primarily within the Assembly through networks of political sociability, the press, and salons. Geography helps tell the story, but it should not replace the history. The true map of the Revolution was a map of people, clubs, newspapers, cafés, assemblies, streets, and networks of influence.

The Girondin Right

On the other side of this revolutionary universe, there were also places where monarchists, constitutionalists, and more conservative sectors gathered. The Palais-Royal, on the Rive Droite, was one of the great centers of social interaction and the circulation of ideas in Paris. Cafés, restaurants, shops, bookstores, gambling houses, and other meeting places operated there, making it one of the busiest areas of the capital. The Café de Foy, located in the Palais-Royal, became particularly associated with the monarchist and constitutionalist milieu during certain moments of the Revolution.

Thus, it is possible to see how Paris possessed a genuine political geography. Certain places concentrated particular groups, conversations, and networks of influence. But this geography did not correspond exactly to the parliamentary division between left and right. It was the social infrastructure through which political positions were formed, debated, and eventually brought to the place where they would actually be transformed into votes.

That place was particularly important: the Salle du Manège, next to the Tuileries Garden. Originally built as a space for equestrian exercises, the enormous hall began housing the Assembly in November 1789. It successively accommodated the Assemblée Constituante, the Assemblée Législative, and, initially, the Convention Nationale. Between 1789 and 1793, that space became one of the great laboratories of modern politics.

The Marais Center

It was inside this hall that the famous spatial division emerged, giving rise to our political language. Deputies most closely identified with revolutionary and republican positions tended to occupy the seats to the left of the Assembly president; those more favorable to constitutional monarchy and to moderate or conservative positions sat to the right. Between them was the group known as the Marais or the Plain.

And here we encounter an extraordinarily modern characteristic of the French Revolution: these deputies were not merely debating ideas; they were creating an operating system for transforming a society in rupture into collective decisions. The Assembly had to vote on fundamental issues: the powers of the king, the structure of the state, the Church, property, citizens' rights, war, finances, and the very nature of sovereignty.

In this environment, large ideological groupings were extremely useful. If a deputy identified with a particular camp, this gave others a reasonably efficient indication of how he was likely to position himself on a range of other issues. The major political camps functioned as decision-making packages. Voters and deputies did not need to reconstruct an entire political theory for every vote.

This is precisely why we should not look down on those ideological packages from a historical distance. They were a rational solution to a real problem. Information was scarce, society was less specialized, communications were slow, and the number of technical issues that a citizen needed to follow was infinitely smaller than it is today. Democracy needed some mechanism for compressing information, and the major political camps provided that mechanism.

This is where the thinking of Daniel Innerarity helps broaden the problem. A Spanish political philosopher and one of the leading contemporary scholars of democratic governance, Innerarity argues that modern political parties emerged as large structures of social aggregation. They brought together relatively stable identities, relatively stable professions, and relatively stable interests. The party functioned as a large container capable of organizing enormous numbers of people within the same political narrative.

The problem is that society has changed. A contemporary citizen may support fiscal responsibility and public investment in science. They may support private property and at the same time consider it unacceptable for anyone to go hungry. They may be conservative on certain cultural issues and liberal on others. They may support free markets in some sectors and strong public intervention in others. The more complex society becomes, the more likely it is that individuals will agree with some positions within one camp while rejecting others from that same camp.

The question "Are you left-wing or right-wing?" therefore begins to lose its explanatory power.

This is precisely where Innerarity's reflection meets the Prospenomics proposal. If political parties emerged as large containers for organizing relatively stable identities, increasing social complexity reduces their ability to adequately represent increasingly diverse individuals. This does not mean that political parties will disappear tomorrow. It means that they were designed for a specific kind of society and may no longer be able to represent the emerging world with the same degree of precision.

Prospenomics takes this reasoning one step further. It proposes that a post-scarcity society does not need to continue organizing all of its decisions around ideological identities inherited from the eighteenth century. The goal is not to create a new left. It is not to create a new right. It is not to permanently occupy the Marais. The goal is to replace the logic of belonging with the logic of reality.

Much of modern politics still operates as if every issue must first be classified as "left" or "right." But reality does not work that way. When engineers design a Boeing 747, they do not ask whether the position of its engines is a left-wing or right-wing solution. They do not debate whether the thickness of the wings is progressive or conservative. They do not calculate aerodynamic lift based on ideological preferences.

The location where the engines are installed does not depend on which side of the wing they occupy. It depends on the need to properly respond to the laws of physics.

Weight distribution, lift, fuel consumption, and flight stability do not negotiate with ideologies. The aircraft flies because it respects reality.

The Prospenomics hypothesis is that an increasing share of public decisions will move in the same direction. Issues involving energy, food, science, infrastructure, automation, artificial intelligence, and economic organization have objective constraints that do not disappear because a political group prefers a different narrative. Just as physics determines where an engine should be placed, economic, technological, and material reality imposes limits and possibilities on collective decisions.

The central criterion therefore ceases to be the ideological origin of a proposal and becomes its ability to produce results compatible with available resources, accumulated knowledge, and human dignity.

Perhaps, therefore, the question of the future will not be whether the left is right or the right is right. Both were historically relevant responses to the problems of their time. The truly important question is another: are we still using the best possible system for understanding today's reality?

The deputies sitting on the left, the right, and in the Marais of the Salle du Manège created one of the most successful political technologies in history. For more than two centuries, it helped organize conflicts, elections, governments, and ideologies. But no intellectual technology is eternal.

Perhaps twenty-first-century politics requires less loyalty to the positions occupied in that Parisian room and greater attention to the laws that govern reality. After all, when it comes time to build a Boeing 747, ideology does not decide where the engines go.

Physics does.

And a mature society may need to begin treating an increasing number of its decisions in exactly the same way.

Bibliographical References

Doyle, William. The Oxford History of the French Revolution. 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018.

Furet, François. Pensando a Revolução Francesa. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1989.

Hobsbawm, Eric. The Age of Revolution: 1789–1848. New York: Vintage Books, 1996.

Hunt, Lynn. Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004.

Lefebvre, Georges. A Revolução Francesa. São Paulo: IBRASA, 1989.

McPhee, Peter. Liberty or Death: The French Revolution. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016.

Palmer, R. R. The Twelve Who Ruled: The Year of the Terror in the French Revolution. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005.

Schama, Simon. Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. New York: Vintage Books, 1990.


Daniel Innerarity and Complex Democracy

Innerarity, Daniel. La transformación de la política. Barcelona: Península, 2002.

Innerarity, Daniel. La democracia del conocimiento: por una sociedad inteligente. Barcelona: Paidós, 2011.

Innerarity, Daniel. Política para perplejos. Barcelona: Galaxia Gutenberg, 2018.

Innerarity, Daniel. Una teoría de la democracia compleja. Barcelona: Galaxia Gutenberg, 2020.

Innerarity, Daniel. "¿El final de los partidos?". Various editions and essays published in periodicals and collections addressing democracy, representation, and the transformation of party systems.


Institutions, Complexity, and Information

Hayek, Friedrich A. The Use of Knowledge in Society. American Economic Review, vol. 35, no. 4, 1945.

Simon, Herbert A. The Sciences of the Artificial. 3rd ed. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996.

North, Douglass C. Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Scott, James C. Seeing Like a State. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998.


Historical Reference Used in the Luca Pacioli Analogy

Pacioli, Luca. Summa de Arithmetica, Geometria, Proportioni et Proportionalità. Venice, 1494.


Conceptual Reference for Prospenomics

Nunes, Marcelo. Prospenomics: Economia da Pós-Escassez, Abundância Tecnológica e Otimização Social. Manuscript in development.


Essential Bibliography (Short Version for Publication)

If the article is published in a journal, website, or book and you want only the references that are truly central, I would use:

  1. DOYLE, William. The Oxford History of the French Revolution.
  2. MCPHEE, Peter. Liberty or Death: The French Revolution.
  3. INNERARITY, Daniel. La democracia del conocimiento.
  4. INNERARITY, Daniel. Una teoría de la democracia compleja.
  5. NORTH, Douglass. Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance.
  6. PACIOLI, Luca. Summa de Arithmetica, Geometria, Proportioni et Proportionalità.

quinta-feira, 10 de setembro de 2026

Blemya and the Post-Scarcity Human


How Will We Be in a Post-Scarcity Era?

How can we imagine the human being in a society that doesn’t yet exist?


This is one of the central difficulties when we talk about post-scarcity. We can speculate about artificial intelligence, automation, robotics, new sources of energy, or production systems capable of drastically reducing the cost of goods and services, but technology is only part of the equation. The harder question is another: what happens to human beings when scarcity ceases to organize an important part of their existence? It is not about imagining a world in which all resources are literally infinite. Scarcity is a relative concept and can change its nature as technology, productivity, and institutions evolve. A society may overcome certain forms of scarcity and simultaneously discover others. Herbert Simon once observed that in an environment rich in information, attention becomes a scarce resource. Abundance does not necessarily eliminate scarcity; it may simply displace it. It is precisely this transition that interests me.

To at least visualize this human, I created the Homo blemyus prospenus. 

Much of the economic and social organization we know was built around a very simple problem: resources are limited and desires are numerous. Prices, markets, property, wages, credit, investment, and competition are, among other things, mechanisms developed to coordinate people under this condition. But technologies capable of reducing the need for human labor and the marginal cost of certain goods may progressively alter these relations. This does not mean that post-scarcity is inevitably arriving, nor that technology automatically eliminates inequality, concentration of power, or incompetence. It simply means that a society in which certain goods and services can be produced in abundance requires new questions. If we produce more and more with less work, what will we do with the freed time? If survival no longer consumes most of human energy, what will give life meaning? If we can possess almost everything, what will remain truly important?


Science fiction has already experimented with this question. Gene Roddenberry understood that a radical technological transformation also required a transformation in our social imagination. Star Trek did not merely present new spacecraft, teleporters, and alien worlds; it presented a society that had undergone a profound economic transformation. The replicator is perhaps the clearest example. When food, clothing, and countless objects can be produced on demand from matter and energy, the relationship between labor, price, and objects changes radically. Technology ceases to be merely a tool for producing more efficiently what we already produce and begins to question the very need for certain economic structures. But the most interesting part is that Roddenberry did not need to write an economic treatise about it. He showed people living inside the hypothesis. Kirk did not explore space in order to become rich. Spock did not pursue knowledge to increase his wealth. Picard did not command the Enterprise to accumulate capital. They worked because there were things to discover, problems to solve, and knowledge to create. Fiction allowed us to observe human behavior inside an economic hypothesis.

This is precisely why I consider Blemya a kind of post-scarcity being. She was created before my current formulation of Prospenomics, but today I can see her as one of its most curious expressions. Blemya Media Group was created by me in 2007 with the idea of creating better living conditions through intelligence, creativity, and technology, and the character eventually became a visual representation of that search. Blemya has no head. Her eyes are located in her chest, and her brain and heart are symbolically brought together in the same place. She does not represent physical strength, power, or the ability to accumulate. She represents another possibility: a being that perceives differently, in whom rationality and sensitivity do not necessarily have to operate as opposing forces. Even her symbolic relationship with air plants such as tillandsias interests me: a creature capable of finding abundance in what appears to be almost nothing, just as these plants can obtain part of the resources necessary for their existence from the atmosphere. It is a metaphor for a change in mentality—from an economy of extraction to an economy of perception.

This is why I began playing with Blemya in the form of toy art. I am not trying to turn the character into a product line. In fact, I do not intend to sell these toys. That would itself be an interesting contradiction with Blemya's anti-consumerist philosophy. The purpose of these objects is different. A toy can function as a cultural artifact, a visual marker, or a small instrument of memory. An abstract idea can become much easier to recognize when it acquires a physical form. An adult may explain a theory for an hour; an object can remain silently on a shelf for years. That is the ability I am exploring. The toys are a way of seriously playing with the question: what would a human being look like if they had not been shaped entirely by the need to accumulate, compete, and turn everything into property?

Toy art offers a particularly appropriate language for this experiment. In the late 1990s, Michael Lau helped transform the toy into a new cultural category by combining the language of action figures with street culture and collecting, particularly through his Gardener figures, presented in Hong Kong in 1999. The toy ceased to be necessarily just an industrial product intended for children and also became an artistic object, character, identity, and cultural expression. This transformation created space for artists to use three-dimensional figures to carry complex ideas. This is how I am using Blemya: not as a character that needs to be commercialized, but as a visual language for testing hypotheses about the future. Each modified toy can place Blemya alongside a different cultural reference and ask, through the image itself, how this post-scarcity being might behave within that universe.

This is also where the relationship with Star Trek becomes more evident. Roddenberry placed different people on the same bridge and, without giving a lecture on economics or sociology, presented a society in which cooperation, science, exploration, and knowledge could occupy the place that survival and accumulation occupy in our own society.

I want to do something similar on a much smaller scale: use Blemya as a visual experiment to imagine not only a technological future, but a human future.

The question becomes increasingly urgent because we are entering an era in which tools capable of extending human intelligence are becoming available to almost everyone. Artificial intelligence can write, draw, calculate, research, and create images in seconds. But an unexpected question emerges: if we increasingly delegate intellectual tasks to machines, are we expanding our capabilities—or reducing the exercise of the abilities that made us human?

Some researchers have already discussed the effects of what is known as “cognitive offloading”: when we transfer part of our memory and reasoning to external tools, we gain efficiency, but we may also lose some of the mental training that came precisely from the effort of solving problems on our own. The calculator did not destroy mathematics, just as the encyclopedia did not destroy knowledge. But every new tool forces us to reconsider which human abilities will remain essential. Perhaps the great challenge of the future will not simply be to create more intelligent machines, but to create humans capable of using them without losing curiosity, creativity, and the ability to think.

Throughout history, human beings have always attempted to overcome their own limitations. At first, we did so through external tools: fire, agriculture, machines, computers. Then we began imagining internal tools: how could we transform our own bodies and our own biology?

The idea of modifying human beings has always existed both in science fiction and in real science. In the past, movements such as eugenics attempted to apply a simplistic vision of “human improvement” based on biological selection, often with grave and dehumanizing ethical consequences. Eugenics was built around the assumption that humanity could be deliberately improved by deciding which traits should be encouraged and which people should reproduce. What makes this particularly dangerous is that it transforms a technological or biological possibility into a hierarchy of human worth. The problem was not simply the desire to improve the human condition, but the belief that someone could legitimately decide what a “better human” should be. The future of this discussion will probably follow a very different path: not an attempt to create “superior” human beings, but the responsible development of technologies capable of extending human capabilities, preventing disease, adapting our species to new environments, and allowing individuals to choose how they might expand their own possibilities. Instead of asking which humans deserve to exist, the question could become much more interesting: what kinds of humans might we choose to become?


Science fiction has explored these possibilities through its characters. The Star Wars toys represent an ancient human narrative: the confrontation between opposing forces, training, conquest, and the struggle between light and darkness. Luke Skywalker represents the development of an inner capability; Darth Vader represents the danger of technology and power without emotional balance. The Force itself introduces another possibility: perhaps the most important form of human evolution is not physical at all, but the development of perception, discipline, consciousness, and control over one's own impulses. In this sense, Star Wars is less about creating a biologically superior human and more about the possibility of transforming the individual from within.



The Marvel universe takes this question in another direction, turning human transformation into a collection of different experiments. Namor can be interpreted as a fantasy of adaptation to the aquatic environment. If roughly three quarters of Earth's surface is covered by water, perhaps one of humanity's greatest frontiers would not be another planet, but the planet we already inhabit. Namor represents a human adapted to the oceans, capable of thriving in an environment in which ordinary humans are severely limited. Hulk represents a different strategy: rather than adapting humanity to another environment, why not amplify the human body that already exists? His extraordinary strength becomes an exaggerated metaphor for overcoming biological limitations from within. Iron Man proposes yet another path. Tony Stark does not fundamentally alter his biology; instead, he surrounds himself with an exoskeleton that extends his physical capabilities. His armor can therefore be seen as an early fictional image of human-machine symbiosis, in which technology becomes an additional layer of the human body. Taken together, Namor, Hulk, and Iron Man suggest three possible directions for human transformation: adapting to new environments, strengthening the biological body, and augmenting the existing body through technology.

Perhaps the future human will be a combination of all these possibilities. Luke Skywalker suggests the transformation of consciousness; Namor, adaptation to new environments; Hulk, biological enhancement; and Iron Man, technological augmentation. None of these possibilities necessarily requires the creation of a single “superior” human being. The more interesting possibility is a future in which humanity becomes more diverse in its capabilities, with individuals and societies choosing different ways to expand what it means to be human. The challenge will be to make such transformations voluntary, responsible, and inclusive rather than repeating the central mistake of eugenics: deciding that some forms of human existence are inherently more valuable than others.

Note on images and references  

The images published in this article are independent exercises of conceptual art and toy art created from Blemya’s authorial universe. Some works visually dialogue, in a referential, transformative, or parodic way, with characters, universes, and recognizable elements of popular culture. They are not official works, licensed or produced in association with the respective rights holders, nor do they intend to suggest sponsorship, endorsement, or commercial ties. Characters, names, brands, and other recognizable elements belong to their respective holders. Blemya and its original elements remain independent authorial creations within this artistic and conceptual experiment.

quinta-feira, 3 de setembro de 2026

The Prospenomics of Tillandsia


After exploring the Prospenomics of cupins (Brazilian earth termites), a new reflection emerges: the Prospenomics of Air Plants.


One of the fundamental premises of Prospenomics is precisely the possibility of overcoming our prospenomic blindness — our inability to recognize resources, opportunities, and pathways to prosperity that already exist around us simply because we do not know how to see them.

And we do not need to rely only on science fiction to find such solutions. Biomimicry is another powerful tool. Nature has been experimenting with solutions for millions of years, and organisms such as termites and tillandsias can reveal strategies that we have not yet learned to imagine.

Contrary to popular belief, tillandsia is not a parasite on the tree; it only attaches itself to the tree's bark without access to the sap. Its feeding method comes from much more elaborate resources and is in harmony with the tree (you've seen it, tillandsia even grows on electrical wires, and electrical wires don't have nutrients).
At first glance, the Tillandsia seems like a true paradox of nature. How can a plant live without soil? Without roots buried in the ground? Suspended in the air, apparently disconnected from one of the main sources of resources available to plants?


Yet where many would see only scarcity, the tillandsia sees abundance.

Tillandsia belongs to a group of plants that, over millions of years of evolution, learned to transform their surroundings into a source of life. Instead of relying primarily on resources buried in the soil, it developed a completely different strategy: extracting from the air what other organisms do not even recognize as a resource.

Its leaves are covered with thousands of tiny trichomes, microscopic structures capable of capturing water and retaining particles carried by the wind. Along with them come small amounts of minerals and nutrients — including calcium, magnesium, potassium, and phosphorus — originating from dust, erosion, and other particles suspended in the atmosphere.

What looks to us like nothing more than dust can therefore become a source of nutrients for the tillandsia.

Evolution took millions of years to build this solution. Bromeliads emerged tens of millions of years ago, and different lineages of tillandsias gradually accumulated adaptations that allowed them to exploit environments where other plants would struggle to survive.

One of the most remarkable is CAM metabolism (Crassulacean Acid Metabolism).

While many plants open their stomata during the day to capture CO₂, inevitably losing water in the process, CAM plants do something different. Tillandsia can open its stomata primarily at night, when temperatures are lower and relative humidity is higher. The captured CO₂ is incorporated into organic acids and temporarily stored.

During the day, with the stomata closed, these compounds provide the carbon needed for photosynthesis.

It is an extraordinarily elegant solution: it separates the moment of capturing resources from the moment of producing energy.

Nature did not necessarily create more resources.

It created a smarter way of accessing them.

The Tillandsia Literally Gets Blood Out of Stone

Dust in the air, mineral particles, organic matter, and even microscopic structures associated with microorganisms are constantly floating around us.

We barely notice them.

The tillandsia does.

It transforms part of this seemingly insignificant material into biological resources.

Phosphorus can be obtained from phosphate compounds and incorporated into fundamental molecules such as ATP. Nitrogen can arrive in the form of nitrogen-containing compounds present in the atmosphere and in deposited particles. Calcium, for example, can be transported in microscopic mineral particles lifted through the erosion of soil, rocks, and other surfaces.

This is blood out of stone: minerals locked inside other materials are broken down into microscopic particles, carried through the environment, and eventually become nourishment for a plant that appears to live in nothingness.

The tillandsia reminds us of something we often forget:

A resource does not cease to exist simply because we do not recognize it as a resource.

And this may be one of the first great prospenomic lessons of the tillandsia:

Prosperity is not simply about having more resources. It is about developing ways to overcome prospenomic blindness and creating intelligent systems capable of recognizing, accessing, and transforming resources that already exist — but that nobody realizes are available.

The tillandsia did not create the water, carbon, phosphorus, nitrogen, or minerals surrounding it.

It simply learned how to see them.

The Tillandsias of Our Economic Lives

As I said at the beginning, perhaps the hardest part of Prospenomics is precisely reducing prospenomic blindness: developing mechanisms capable of finding prosperity where, at first glance, we see nothing.

The best example is all around us, right now.

Just as a Tillandsia lives surrounded by resources that seem invisible — water suspended in the air, mineral dust, gases and energy — we too are immersed in an extraordinary amount of economic resources that we normally ignore.

The question is not necessarily how to create new resources, but how to recognize, capture and transform those that are already circulating around us.

This is where the Tillandsias of our economic lives begin.

1. The electromagnetic air — the invisible sororoca.

You cannot see it, but you are swimming in energy.

The world is covered by radio waves, cellular signals, Wi-Fi and other forms of electromagnetic radiation. There are millions of telecommunications towers and an even greater number of transmission points spread throughout our cities.

To us, it is simply “the air.” To certain technologies, however, it is a continuous flow of energy and information.

Companies such as Powercast, Ossia, WiTricity and Energous are working on ways to harvest ambient electromagnetic energy to power sensors and other low-consumption devices.

It is the principle of the Tillandsia's trichomes: capture what is already present in the environment and what nobody had considered a resource.

2. Petroleum — when waste became wealth

In the early days of the petroleum industry, crude oil was often treated as an inconvenience. In some contexts, its lighter fractions were difficult to store and transport and were burned or simply discarded.

We had to learn how to see what was inside that seemingly troublesome substance.

First came kerosene. Then gasoline, diesel, plastics, solvents and an extraordinary range of other products.

What had once been a problem became one of the greatest economic resources in modern history.

The prospenomic lesson is simple: a resource can exist long before we develop the ability to perceive it.

3. Waste heat — energy that has already been paid for

A large portion of the energy we produce never performs the work for which it was originally intended. In industrial processes, data centers, refrigeration systems, power plants and buildings, significant amounts simply become heat and are released into the environment.

But wasted heat is still energy.

District heating networks and industrial systems already recover this heat to warm water, buildings and other processes.

It is almost an economic CAM metabolism: storing or recovering today what would otherwise simply be lost to the environment.

4. CO₂ from the air — the poison that can become a raw material

Carbon dioxide is usually presented only as a climate problem. But it can also be a potential raw material.

Companies such as Climeworks capture CO₂ directly from the air. Other technologies use the gas to produce fuels, materials, food products or mineralized concrete.

The point is not to turn CO₂ into something “good,” but to recognize that even something we want to remove from the system may have economic value when we find a way to reuse it.

It is the Tillandsia logic: something dispersed and apparently useless can become a raw material.

5. Water from the air — the moisture nobody counts

The atmosphere contains an enormous amount of water.

In certain environments, technologies such as fog nets, atmospheric water generators and humidity-harvesting systems can turn vapor or microscopic droplets into usable water.

It may be the most literal analogy with the Tillandsia: you do not need to own a river to find water.

Sometimes, you simply need to learn how to capture it from the air.

6. Mineral dust — what we sweep away can feed us

You sweep away the dust.

The Tillandsia captures it.

Wind-borne mineral particles can contain calcium, magnesium, potassium, phosphorus and other elements. In agriculture, remineralization technologies use certain types of rock dust as mineral sources for soil.

What is dirt in one context can be an input in another.

Once again, the difference is not necessarily in the object itself, but in the perspective that assigns value to it.

7. Noise and vibration — the city is constantly shaking

A busy street produces noise, vibration and movement continuously.

We normally perceive these things as pollution or disturbance.

But energy-harvesting systems can convert mechanical vibrations into small amounts of energy to power sensors. Pavegen, for example, explores the conversion of pressure generated by people walking into electricity.

see more in Pavegen

It is not a giant power plant.

And that is precisely the point: a small amount of energy, multiplied by millions of events, can become a resource.

8. Diffuse light — prosperity also exists in the shade

Energy systems often imagine the Sun as a source of direct light: large panels, large areas, large-scale generation.

But there is also reflected, diffuse and indirect light everywhere.

Photovoltaic technologies designed for low-light environments are exploring ways to generate energy where direct sunlight is unavailable.

It is the Tillandsia living in the shade of a tree.

It does not need to own the Sun to make use of its light.

9. Sewage and urine — the new petroleum

We continuously produce things that we later pay to remove from our environment.

Sewage, sludge and urine contain nutrients such as nitrogen and phosphorus, as well as organic matter that can be transformed into different products.

see more in Reasons to Be Cheerful

Projects around the world are already working on recovering these nutrients for fertilizers, biogas, fuels and other materials.

The prospenomic inversion is powerful:

what we call waste may simply be a resource we have not yet learned to separate.

10. Bagasse, straw and rice husks — the field produces more than we think

Agriculture does not produce only what we sell as food.

It also produces straw, bagasse, husks, fibers and enormous amounts of residual biomass.

Sugarcane bagasse can become second-generation ethanol. Rice husks can be used for energy generation and the production of materials.

The logic is the same: we do not necessarily need to produce more biomass; we need to learn how to extract more prosperity from the biomass we already produce.

11. Rooftops and asphalt — infrastructure that already exists

Millions of square meters of rooftops, parking lots and other built surfaces remain economically underutilized.

A roof is already there.

It receives sunlight every day.

It can host solar panels.

It can collect water.

It can support vegetation.

It can produce energy without requiring a new industrial site.

It is almost the economic equivalent of a branch for a Tillandsia: a structure that already exists and can be made to support a new function.

12. The digital trail — data dust

Every brake recorded by a navigation app, every movement, every search and every digital interaction leaves behind a tiny trail.

For the individual, it may seem irrelevant.

Aggregated at scale, however, it becomes information about traffic, behavior, demand, prices and patterns of consumption.

It is the digital version of the trichome:

capture tiny particles scattered through the environment and transform them into something useful.

13. Idle CPU time and attention

Computers, smartphones and other devices spend much of their time without using their full capacity.

In much the same way, millions of people have small amounts of time, attention and cognitive capacity that never find an economic application.

Distributed-computing and crowdwork platforms attempt to transform part of this idle capacity into infrastructure.

It is not simply about producing more.

It is about asking:

how much of the capacity we already possess remains unused?

14. Dead code and ancestral knowledge

There is one more invisible resource: what has already been discovered but is no longer being used.

Abandoned code, expired patents, forgotten techniques, traditional recipes, agricultural knowledge and ancestral practices can remain dormant for decades.

My Cauim Tiakau is a very good example.

The alcoholic fermentation of manioc did not need to be invented from scratch. It is an ancestral technology for transforming an abundant plant into a beverage through a low-energy process.

The knowledge was already there.

Just as with the Tillandsia, we did not need to create a new branch. We needed to learn how to hold on to what already existed.

Perhaps this is one of the central ideas of Prospenomics:

prosperity is not necessarily found in what we still need to create. It may be hidden in what already exists — but what we have not yet learned to see.


References

Barfuss, M. H. J., Till, W., Leme, E. M. C., Pinzón, J. P., Manzanares, J. M., Halbritter, H., Samuel, R., & Brown, G. K. (2016). Taxonomic revision of Bromeliaceae subfam. Tillandsioideae based on multi-locus DNA sequence phylogeny and morphology. Phytotaxa, 279, 1–97.

Benzing, D. H. (2000). Bromeliaceae: Profile of an Adaptive Radiation. Cambridge University Press.

Givnish, T. J., Millam, K. C., Berry, P. E., & Sytsma, K. J. (2007). Phylogeny, adaptive radiation, and historical biogeography of Bromeliaceae inferred from ndhF sequence data. Aliso, 23(1), 3–26.

Givnish, T. J., Barfuss, M. H. J., Van Ee, B., Riina, R., Schulte, K., Horres, R., Gonsiska, P. A., Jabaily, R. S., Crayn, D. M., Smith, J. A. C., Winter, K., Brown, G. K., Evans, T. M., Holst, B. K., Luther, H., Till, W., Zizka, G., Berry, P. E., & Sytsma, K. J. (2011). Phylogeny, adaptive radiation, and historical biogeography in Bromeliaceae: Insights from an eight-locus plastid phylogeny. American Journal of Botany, 98(5), 872–895.

Givnish, T. J., et al. (2014). Adaptive radiation, correlated and contingent evolution, and net species diversification in Bromeliaceae. Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution.

Givnish, T. J., et al. (2024). CAM evolution is associated with gene family expansion in an explosive bromeliad radiation. Nature Plants.

Holtum, J. A. M., Hancock, L. P., Edwards, E. J., & Winter, K. (2021). Engineering of Crassulacean Acid Metabolism. Annual Review of Plant Biology.

Lüttge, U. (2002). Crassulacean acid metabolism: Plastic, fantastic. Journal of Experimental Botany, 53(369), 569–580. https://doi.org/10.1093/jexbot/53.369.569

Schmitt, A. K., & Lüttge, U. (1989). Gas exchange and water vapor uptake in the atmospheric CAM bromeliad Tillandsia recurvata L.: The influence of trichomes. Botanica Acta, 102(1), 80–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1438-8677.1989.tb00070.x

Silvera, K., Santiago, L. S., Cushman, J. C., & Winter, K. (2009). Crassulacean acid metabolism and epiphytism linked to adaptive radiation in Bromeliaceae. Functional Plant Biology.

Electromagnetic Energy Harvesting and Wireless Power

Energous Corporation. (2026). Wireless Power Networks and Over-the-Air Power. Energous.

Ossia, Inc. (2026). Cota®: Real Wireless Power Technology & Charging. Ossia.

Powercast Corporation. (2026). Wireless Power Technologies. Powercast.

Powercast Corporation. (2026). Powerharvester® Receivers: Wireless Power Components for Converting RF Energy to DC Power. Powercast.

WiTricity. (2026). Wireless Power Transfer Technology. WiTricity.

Petroleum and the Transformation of Waste into Value

U.S. Energy Information Administration. (2023). History of Gasoline. U.S. Department of Energy.

Occupational Safety and Health Administration. (n.d.). Basic Refinery Process — Description and History. U.S. Department of Labor.

Waste Heat and Energy Recovery

U.S. Department of Energy. (2023). Waste Heat Recovery Basics. Industrial Technologies Office.

U.S. Department of Energy. (2008). Waste Heat Recovery: Technology and Opportunities in U.S. Industry. Industrial Technologies Program.

U.S. Department of Energy. (2024). Best Practices Guide for Energy-Efficient Data Center Design. Federal Energy Management Program.

Carbon Capture and CO₂ Utilization

Climeworks. (2026). Direct Air Capture Technology: Innovations in CO₂ Removal. Climeworks.

CarbonCure Technologies. (2026). Putting CO₂ to Work in Concrete Production. CarbonCure.

CarbonCure Technologies, Central Concrete, & Heirloom. (2023). First-Ever Concrete Storage of Atmospheric CO₂ Captured by Direct Air Capture. CarbonCure Technologies.

Atmospheric Water Harvesting

Verbrugghe, N., & De Clerck, O. (2023). Water harvesting through fog collectors: A review of conceptual, experimental and operational aspects. International Journal of Low-Carbon Technologies, 18, 392–403. https://doi.org/10.1093/ijlct/ctac129

Kennedy, S., et al. (2024). Bio-inspired fog harvesting meshes: A review. Advanced Functional Materials. https://doi.org/10.1002/adfm.202306162

Ghosh, A., et al. (2023). An overview of atmospheric water harvesting methods: The inevitable path of the future in water supply. [Journal article].

World Design Organization. (2018). Warka Water: Designing for Accessible Clean Water and Sanitation.

Buckminster Fuller Institute. (2015). Warka Water.

Kinetic Energy Harvesting

Pavegen Systems Ltd. (2026). How Pavegen Works: The Science Behind Every Step & Kinetic Energy Flooring Explained. Pavegen.

Pavegen Systems Ltd. (2026). Pavegen: Every Step Generates a Powerful Connection. Pavegen.

Digital Commons and Accumulated Knowledge

GitHub. (2024). Octoverse 2024: AI Leads Python to Top Language as the Number of Global Developers Surges. GitHub Blog.

GitHub. (2025). Octoverse 2025: A New Developer Joins GitHub Every Second as AI Leads TypeScript to #1. GitHub Blog.

GitHub. (2025). What 986 Million Code Pushes Say About the Developer Workflow in 2025. GitHub Blog.

Botanical Classification

For the plant discussed in this article:

Tillandsia recurvata (L.) L.

Kingdom: Plantae
Phylum: Streptophyta
Class: Equisetopsida
Subclass: Magnoliidae
Order: Poales
Family: Bromeliaceae
Genus: Tillandsia L.
Species: Tillandsia recurvata (L.) L.

Research and Source Disclaimer

The examples presented in this article are intended to illustrate the central concept of Prospenomics: the possibility of recognizing economic value in resources that are overlooked, dispersed, underutilized, or traditionally classified as waste.

The technologies and companies mentioned are presented as examples of this broader principle and should not be interpreted as implying that all of them operate at the same technological maturity, economic scale, efficiency, or commercial viability. Some figures and examples are approximate, context-dependent, or evolving as technologies and markets develop.

In particular, energy harvesting from ambient electromagnetic radiation, low-light photovoltaic generation, atmospheric water harvesting, kinetic energy harvesting, CO₂ utilization, waste-heat recovery, and distributed computing remain highly context-dependent technologies. Their practical usefulness depends on factors such as energy density, efficiency, infrastructure, geography, economics, and application.

The Pavegen example should also be understood correctly: its commonly cited figure refers to approximately 3–5 watt-seconds (joules) of energy per step, rather than 3–5 watts of continuous power per step.

Likewise, the technologies of Climeworks and CarbonCure represent different stages of the same prospenomic logic: Climeworks focuses on capturing CO₂ directly from the atmosphere, while CarbonCure uses captured CO₂ in concrete production, where it becomes mineralized.

This article is therefore not intended as a technical, engineering, investment, or commercial assessment of the companies or technologies mentioned. Rather, they serve as real-world illustrations of a single proposition:

prosperity may already be present in the environment; what is missing is often not the resource itself, but our ability to perceive, capture, connect, and transform it.